The Lambert and Cazabon study of third-graders who had been in a two-way program since kindergarten found that the children expressed a preference for multi-ethnic classrooms. Of course, such attitudes may be less a product of the program than a reflection of the home experiences of children whose parents chose such a program.
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There may be differing views between home and school regarding parents' appropriate role in the education of their children. Parents may feel that school subjects are the responsibility of the teacher, that the parent is responsible only for sending the child to school ready to learn. American schools, on the other hand, value a certain amount of parental participation in education and may unwittingly punish parents who fail to contribute in the culturally prescribed way see Hidalgo et al.
Much research has emphasized the parental role in ensuring children's academic achievement Epstein, , Parents are seen as providing their children with motivational resources, including self-esteem, agency, and self-control e. Parents often establish partnerships with their children's schools, thus extending school learning effectively into the home and reinforcing academic values outside school Henderson, ; Dornbusch and Ritter, Studies describing parental involvement in immigrant and language-minority families can be classified according to Epstein's types or categories of involvement.
The first type covers actions taken in the home to promote child academic achievement; much evidence suggests that immigrant and language-minority children benefit from this form of parental involvement. Monitoring strategies are actions related to the academic learning of the child; communication strategies are processes that aim to foster open, nurturing family relationships; motivational strategies stimulate the child's interest in school; and protective strategies are actions geared to maintaining child safety. Chinese American parents display two patterns of parental involvement based on, among other things, whether they are recent immigrants.
Siu's longitudinal. These parents tried to ensure their children's academic success by engaging in such tasks as assigning additional homework. The Chinese American parents who themselves had experienced schooling in the United States allowed their children more choices, placing less emphasis on regulated academic work and more on independence and creativity. Siu labels these two parental involvement approaches low- and high-security patterns, respectively.
Funds of knowledge are reaffirmed and maintained through the interchange of information within the social relational framework. In her qualitative study of 59 Puerto Rican families of high- and low-achieving students, Diaz-Soto found that "parents acted as facilitators within an organized framework of expectations" p. Diaz-Soto found a number of recurrent themes in the homes of high achievers: language parents used both Spanish and English in communicating with their children , aspirations parents held high expectations for their children's future careers , discipline parents employed consistent controlling strategies , and protectiveness "parents always knew where their children were" p.
These and related studies reveal parental behaviors that foster child learning. However, those behaviors may not be visible to school personnel, and the learning may not be highly valued at school, either. Explicit information from teachers about their expectations for parental involvement may well not be communicated to parents Delgado-Gaitan, , ; Glenn, in the absence of explicit programs such as parent centers designed to promote the exchange of such information Johnson, , ; Rubio, Research is needed to examine what innovative classroom organizations and interventions, such as curriculum content, can influence children's views of themselves and of members of other ethnic groups, promoting cross-ethnic friendships and positive regard.
There is some evidence, both from experimental studies and from educational experiments such as desegregation and two-way bilingual programs, that it is possible to promote healthy cross-ethnic relationships as well as positive self-identities for children from minority groups. These demonstrations, however, have been few and limited in the range of groups they have involved. Fostering full participation as a productive citizen in a society that is characterized by racial, ethnic, and linguistic diversity requires incorporating positive intergroup relations into our goals for school outcomes and assessing the best ways of achieving this end.
There is a need for research on academic learning, including both literacy learning and content area learning, that incorporates information about the social and motivational factors known to affect outcomes. Does excellent instruction take into account home-school mismatches or simply teach children the school discourse effectively? Does promoting parent-school contact affect children's learning by increasing motivation, by changing teacher attitudes, or by enabling parents to help their children more effectively?
Can we devise programs that directly affect children's motivation to succeed in order to examine secondary effects on their academic outcomes? There are two important questions for research regarding status differences among various languages.
First, what are the consequences of such differences for children's intergroup and interpersonal relations? Second, how do teachers' perceptions of the status of children's languages influence their interactions with, expectations of, and behavior toward the children? Studies are needed to examine intergroup relations both across and within ethnic groups, e.
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Nonobtrusive studies that examine intergroup relations in natural settings are also needed. Most existing intergroup studies are laboratory or curriculum interventions that have a highly limited focus.
It is difficult to generalize some of the findings of these studies to the world of classrooms and schools. In addition, studies are needed to describe the extent to which language-minority students are stigmatized because of their language characteristics and how those characteristics affect their self-perceptions and classroom status.
Studies are also needed to develop interventions that can help raise the status of language-minority students in classrooms and schools. New paradigms and theories that can guide research and practice in intergroup relations need to be conceptualized and tested empirically. Existing paradigms and theories, such as social identity theory and the contact hypothesis, need to be seriously examined in light of the important demographic changes that have occurred in U.
These paradigms and theories were developed during a time when race relations problems in the United States were different in important ways. Research needs to address the alignment between home and school. Are there classroom structures and practices that are particularly familiar to language-minority children and thus promote their learning by minimizing home-school mismatches?
Are there procedures for inducting language-minority children into novel classroom and instructional interactions that promote their learning of English and of subject matter? Novel instructional practices are often seen as universally desirable, rather than as possibly more helpful for some subgroups of children than others. Careful attention to the kinds of instructional interactions that occur in the homes of.
Research is needed to examine the nature of socialization practices in the homes of language-minority children with regard to both content e. E nough research has been done on cultural differences in home socialization practices with regard to school learning that we know these differences exist. We have, however, almost no information about these issues for many of the ethnic groups that are now well represented among America's language-minority children. We have some knowledge of these socialization practices among families of Mexican descent, but know almost nothing about them among Puerto Rican, Santo Domingan, Central American, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Haitian, or Cape Verdean families.
Much more basic descriptive work is needed, both as input to understanding the factors that operate in academic achievement and as input to the education of teachers who will have these children in their classrooms. Allport, G. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Allexsaht-Snider, M. School of Teacher Education, University of Georgia. Aronson, E. Bridgeman Jigsaw groups and the desegregated classroom: In pursuit of common goals.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin Gonzalez Desegregation, jigsaw, and the Mexican-American experience. Katz and D. Taylor, eds. New York: Plenum.
Joonna Smitherman Trapp, Senior Lecturer
Au, Kathryn Hu Pei Participation structures in a reading lesson with Hawaiian children: Analysis of a culturally appropriate instructional event. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 11 2 Mason Social organizational factors in learning to read: The balance of rights hypothesis. Reading Research Quarterly 17 1 Banks, James A.
Spodek, ed. New York: Macmillan.
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Sandora, and L. Kucan in press Questioning the author: A year-long implementation to engage students with text. The Elementary School Journal. Bempechat, J. Jimenez, and S. Graham in press Motivational influences in the achievement of poor and minority children. Journal of Child and Youth Care Work.
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Bereiter, C. Curriculum Inquiry Billig, M. Tajfel Social categorization and similarity in intergroup behaviour. European Journal of Social Psychology Boggs, S.